Before that, minor incidents caused by local goons of various parties were reported in the news. But our sources say that many other incidents have been unreported. For example, in Kathmandu-4, where the former Maoist army chief is contesting against a popular NC youth leader, there are news of vote-buying and voter-intimidation.
As election day nears, such incidents are likely to increase. There have also been news about plans by Maoist to pose as members of other parties and involve in violence, in order to threaten voters, and discredit the other parties at the same time.
Similarly, we have received reports from Siraha, where the Maoist leader Prachanda is contesting, of large-scale intimidation and voter-buying. A series of violent explosions were reported last week.
It is not clear who did them, and most blame the Dash faction. But a large number of such activities are targeted at non-Maoist candidates. This is panicking the voters who are likely to stay at home if such violence continues.
The only party able to take advantage of this situation is the Cash-Maoist. The dash-faction has provided them a perfect camouflage to carry out their threats and destructive activities. As we have already mentioned, this is the only party capable of carrying out a nation-wide scale of such nature and with a cadre-base trained and used to such activities.
If the election violence continues, voters of this party will line up at polling centers, while the voters of other parties will most likely stay home. Prediction It is amazing how fast the situation changes in Nepal. Until last week, when violence was more localized, this blogger was betting for a lead in elections for non-Maoist parties.
With the recent series of violence, it is as difficult as last time to make an informed guess. But as explained above, situations now increasingly favor a clear majority for the Cash-Maoist party.
Maoist party spokesperson and election candidate Agni Prasad Sapkota, who has been charged with murder and disappearance during the war pic: ekantipur. Baburam Bhattarai Cash Maoist number 2 in command , who was in power for long time, announced, cancelled and postponed elections for two times, buying time for himself before making way for an election-government. As a result, chances of irregularity have increased even more. During last election, Baburam won a landslide victory in his constituency, where he had effectively banned other parties from campaigning.
There was a huge turnout in his constituency, indicating irregularity. Sources from the region have confided us that even dead people and people living overseas cast their votes meaning the Maoist workers forged their votes for Baburam in that election. The app contains the summary of the winning and leading of each party in both: under Federal Parliament and Provincial Assembly.
It also summarizes the votes as per Parties, State, and Districts. The app also contains results for popular areas and districts containing the number of votes of candidates. It also has a list of popular candidates with their information. You get to also search for the information of your area. Download Hamro Patra.
This is an app by Election Commision Nepal that contains all the information related to the election The app has the section Election Result that contains election summary and detailed result. Each page further provides the option of a detailed result or the summary of the result. The result can be searched according to the State, District, and Area. Added to all that, this app also contains the result of the previously conducted local election.
Download ECN App. This app provides live updates on the election in the Election result: Live segment. Users can navigate to this section through the homepage under the Main News section.
The app also provides news related to the election. The electronic and print media gave broad coverage of the election. While The Carter Center mission did not conduct systematic media monitoring, field observation indicated that the media were generally able to work in a free environment, allowing voters to have access to competing points of view.
Instances of violence were greatly decreased in comparison with the election. Nevertheless, there were serious incidents resulting in injury, and even death in a few cases.
In addition to occasional violent disputes among supporters of competing parties, boycotting parties increasingly resorted to violence and scare tactics in the run-up to the election. Several buses and other vehicles were firebombed as some boycotting parties attempted to enforce a day transportation strike.
With many migrant citizens returning to their home districts in order to vote, such incidents were intended to instill fear and decrease voter turnout. An intensive deployment of security forces in response to threats by boycotting parties appeared to reduce considerably their ability to disrupt the election. The Carter Center recommends to build on these successes and to strengthen the training of security forces on their legal and constitutional roles and responsibilities during the entire electoral process.
In addition to international observation, there were a large number of observers deployed by civil society organizations prior to, during, and after election day. These citizen observers were able to observe most aspects of the process, and their efforts made a positive contribution towards enhancing transparency and building public confidence in the integrity of the election.
However, the legislation does not clearly define the rights of observers, and there were instances in which election officials denied them access. Election observers, especially citizen domestic observers, but also international observers, should be assured access to all parts of the electoral process, including meetings of election officials at national and local levels, printing of ballots, voting, and counting.
The Carter Center recommends that the rights of observers be defined in the election legislation and that the criteria for being a citizen observer be eased, to be in line with qualifications for being a voter. For the most part, Nepal met its international obligations with respect to ensuring the integrity of the voting and counting process. The Carter Center observers had a positive assessment of the conduct of voting in some 90 percent of the polling centers visited, noting an overall peaceful environment free from intimidation or coercion, the uniform practice of checking voter identity, the impartiality of polling staff, and the presence of necessary materials.
The new voter lists contributed to the generally smooth conduct of voting, and transparency was ensured in most locations by the presence of party and candidate agents and citizen observers. According to the ECN, voter turnout nationwide was There were also reports of scattered security incidents, including bomb attacks and intimidation of voters, connected to attempts of boycotting parties to disrupt the election, as well as isolated clashes among supporters of competing candidates and parties.
In order to strengthen polling procedures in future elections, The Carter Center recommends that ECN rules provide for spoiled ballots and checking for indelible ink, that polling officers receive increased training on ensuring secrecy of the vote, and that ballots contain the names of parties and candidates in addition to the respective symbols.
At the close of voting, the unopened ballot boxes from all polling centers in each constituency were transported to a counting center. The counting process began slowly and lasted for several days in most constituencies.
The integrity of the counting process appeared to be generally maintained at the counting centers observed, although procedures were not uniformly followed. There was a relatively high rate of invalid ballots, especially for first-past-the-post ballots. A few parties, including UPCN Maoist , pulled their observers and agents out of counting centers after counting began, alleging wide-scale fraud during the transport of ballot boxes to counting centers.
After an agreement was reached to investigate their claims, these parties dropped their threats of not participating in the new constituent assembly. In order to further increase public confidence in the integrity of the counting process, the transport of ballot boxes to counting centers should be done in such a way as to ensure maximum transparency.
Ballot boxes should not be stored at intermediate locations. Moreover, all procedures for counting and tabulation of votes should be established well in advance. To ensure that the counting process is understood by all participants, returning officers could also organize briefings in advance of election day for candidates, party agents and citizen observers.
Prior to election day, relatively few written complaints were filed at the constituency level, with most complaints being made verbally and addressed informally. The ECN found violations in some cases but issued warnings rather than fines. Some regional parties expressed a lack of confidence in the complaints system, alleging that the ECN and local election officials were reluctant to take action against the larger parties.
The ECN appeared to deal with complaints regarding candidate registration more rigorously. Following election day, the ECN did not investigate complaints alleging irregularities during the voting process, but limited itself to asking the relevant local election officials if they could corroborate the allegations. The ECN did not provide written decisions in these cases. Some 22 cases were filed with this court, but at the time of writing no final decisions had been reached. The resolution of these cases, which is without a deadline and extends well past the inauguration of the constituent assembly, could undermine the right to effective remedy.
To ensure that parties, candidates, and voters know where to submit complaints and that all complaints are dealt with transparently, The Carter Center recommends that the roles and responsibilities of election officials in handling complaints be clarified and that information on complaints received and how they are dealt with be made publicly available.
The electoral legislation should be reviewed to ensure that complaints regarding the voting and counting processes are resolved rapidly in order to ensure effective and timely remedy. Nevertheless, the decline since in the representation of women and members of marginalized groups among both candidates and winners in the FPTP races underlines the continuing need for temporary special measures, as well as a democratization of internal party structures in order to achieve the goal of social inclusion.
0コメント